Uneven accountability reform: insights from parliament and also administration in Indonesia

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After Indonesia transitioned to democracy in 1999, liability reforms in parliament and also administration were on the agenda. In 2002, Regulation 31/1999 on Criminal Acts of Corruption and also Legislation 30/2002 developed the Corruption Obliteration Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK) as an initiative to address the tradition of corruption from Suharto’s tyrannical age. Indonesia additionally changed overlapping tasks of existing audit bodies, which were the state audit board (Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan, BPK), the financial and also development audit firm (Badan Pengawas Keuangan dan Pembangunan, BPKP, and also the inner audit body of city government and ministry (Inspektorat) via the Constitution Change 1999-2002. This accountability reform was planned to ensure that the three audit bodies might work together well in checking out the use of state budget plan by the parliament as well as the administration. It has actually made irregular progression.

The BPK is the only state establishment which has the authority to audit financial records, efficiency, as well as perform further investigations of thought corruption in public as well as exclusive organisations which obtain funds from the state. The BPK’s investigation results are the only authorities sign to assess whether a state establishment performs well in its use of state funds. When conducting investigations, the BPK categorizes its findings right into 4 classifications. If there is management error, the BPK will only advise repairing the error. Second, if there are issues on budget plan preparation, such as way too many work trips, the BPK will certainly recommend efficiency actions. Third, if there are uneven prices in framework purchase, the BPK will certainly buy to funds be returned. 4th, if there are fictitious programs or unreasonable mark-ups on state spending plans, the BPK will certainly categorize it as corruption.

The accountability reform does not appear to be working. In 2014-2018 parliament continually received greater scores than the bureaucracy in BPK’s economic audits. On The Other Hand, Openness International’s information shows that Indonesian corruption instances were greater in the parliament than in the administration. In 2014 the parliament contributed 89 percent of complete corruption cases in Indonesia, while the bureaucracy contributed 79 percent. Throughout 2014-2019, the KPK detained 254 members of parliament because of corruption in operation of state funds.

The responsibility reform in 1999 only moved the BPK’s susceptability to the president, to vulnerability to parliament. Indonesia’s Constitution states that members of BPK are selected by parliament. The BPK is called for to send its investigation reports to the parliament in order to obtain referral regarding whether the record will be followed up by the judiciary. The reform in 1999 moved authority and power to carry out examinations towards the bureaucracy from the corrupt BPKP, which got numerous political treatments from Suharto’s administration, to BPK which was established as an independent body.

The setup develops an useless responsibility system. According to Bovens and Mulgan, liability as a mechanism is an institutional arrangement or connection in which “actors are held to account by discussion forums,” whereby the forum’s power as well as ordered status are greater than the star. This presumes that a principal-agent connection exists, in which “the discussion forum is the principal and the actor is the representative that is held to make up his efficiency in workplace.” This kind of responsibility aims to guarantee that state institutions stay on a virtuous path to liable administration. In the Indonesian context, the plan positions the BPK’s power and condition (as the discussion forum) less than the parliament (as the star). The condition and power of BPK (as the online forum) is greater than the administration (as the star).

The parliament controls BPK with the selection of the 9 members. The term of workplace of each member is five years. The selection processes of BPK’s participants in 2009, 2014 as well as 2019 have actually constantly remained in the spotlight due to the fact that the processes were not clear in parliament as well as underwent political treatments. Participants of the BPK include former parliament participants and also non-politicians, but its structure is dominated by former political leaders. Both previous political leaders as well as non-politicians require to have political accessibilities if they want to be the participant of BPK. This political gain access to brings about clientelism, which is a leading technique in Indonesia. Scholars have revealed that to occupy a public main placement in Indonesia, individuals require to provide something, like funds and/or mass support, to a political event’s campaign in an election.

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This inefficient liability device actually undermines liability quality in between BPK and also the parliament. In 2013 the Hambalang job, a mega corruption instance in Indonesia, exhibited this trouble. The Hambalang task was expected to construct sport facilities for Indonesian professional athletes. This job was implemented from 2003 to 2012 and also set you back Rp 2.5 trillion (US$ 1 = Rp 14,278) and also never ever ended up. BPK examined this situation and located that corruption in this task reached Rp 463.67 billion and involved 15 legislators. Later due to the parliament’s control over the BPK, the names of the 15 political leaders were lost from the BPK’s examination report. Both the BPK and also the parliament claimed that there was no mention of the 15 politicians in the record, despite the fact that the record with the names of 15 politicians had been released in the media. Many NGOs opposed and also tested the loss of the 15 names from the BPK’s report however were overlooked. This highlights that the BPK can transform its examination report groups from a corruption group to non-violation group just by getting rid of the suspects’ names.

In 2016 the BPK conducted an annual investigation of all state establishments and also located that the parliament had conducted make believe job journeys which got to Rp 945 billion. This case attracted a great deal of focus and also protest from the general public. Yet, as a result of the parliament’s intervention on the BPK, it moved its examination record from the make believe classification to a management concern. BPK claimed that the legislative participants that performed the job journeys had actually just fallen short to correctly report work journeys. This reveals that the BPK is able to move examination arise from the corruption group into the ordinary mistake category.

Conversely, accountability mechanisms which operate in between the BPK and the bureaucracy lead to investigate processes which work well. In 2017 BPK conducted annual investigations into performance and monetary coverage in Jambi District. This investigation located fictitious work journeys by the administration of approximately Rp 100 million. The BPK ordered the bureaucracy to return Rp 100 million to the treasury.

Likewise, in 2020, a BKP audit found a corruption group breach in the administration of Seram Bagian Barat Regency, Maluku District. This misuse got to Rp 70 billion of funding for the rule programs. This case was referred by the BPK to the Lawyer to be processed.

In 2020 the BPK found infractions of state allocate COVID-19 handling in South Sulawesi Province. The administration conducted unreasonable mark-up in the tenders for social aid arrangement. The BPK has actually handed its examination report to the judiciary to settle this case. These cases show that BPK is consistent with its category findings.

These empirical cases reveal that the responsibility mechanism which works between BPK as well as the bureaucracy prevent illegal behaviour, and it can generate an objective searching for classification. Meanwhile, the inefficient liability device activates unlawful behaviour in BPK in order to safeguard the rate of interests of the parliament. It is not shocking, then, that the parliament’s economic audit score from BPK is as high as the bureaucracy’s.

The future of Indonesia’s responsibility performance much depends on exactly how well the accountability system works. The following liability reform should repair this trouble. If not, the reform will not cause any significant improvements.